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In her 1991 book, Before European Hegemony: The World System A. 1250–1350, Janet Abu-Lughod argued that the thirteenth century Eurasian world encompassed a vast trade system.
It was a segmented system, to be sure, with seven regional subsystems such as maritime East Asia, Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the like, but with a sufficient volume of long-distance trade to justify speaking of a world system.
Former NRG member Lee Sung Jin spoke about his feelings over his gambling scandal.
Lee Sung Jin appeared on the January 30th episode of tv N's 'E News.' Since his gambling scandal, it has been about 3 years since he faced the camera.
We shall be returning to the Tang-Song transformation and its many ramifications, but first let me go on to discuss the other two frameworks. Cohen’s East Asia at the Center, Charles Holcombe’s The Genesis of East Asia, and Dieter Kuhn’s just released The Age of Confucian Rule: The Song Transformation of China have presented a compelling picture of an East Asian world that was not dominated by China (or Han Chinese dynasties).6 Prominent in this inter-state order were the Khitan Liao 契丹遼 (established in 907), the Tangut Xi Xia 西夏 (1032), and the Jurchen Jin 女真金 (1115), but we should also note the Dinh 定 dynasty of Vietnam (968), the Nanzhao 南詔 kingdom to China’s southwest, and even the Koryŏ 高麗 dynasty in Korea, established in 936.
Characterizing the tenth to thirteenth centuries in East Asia as a period of multiple states is hardly new to Chinese or Japanese scholars, but in Western literature one can trace a discernable historiography, beginning with the pioneering European studies of conquest dynasties: Wolfram Eberhard’s Conquerors and Rulers, Karl Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng’s History of Chinese Society: The Liao, and the wide-ranging articles of Herbert Franke.5 More recently, Morris Rossabi’s edited volume, China Among Equals, F. Chinese historians for centuries blamed the military weakness of the Song and its policy of esteeming the civil and despising the military, but neither the Han nor Tang had faced such an array of well developed and powerful states.
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Accepting the NEJM cookie is necessary to use the website.Let me begin with chronology, for the late Tang and Five Dynasties period, when many if not most of the changes that generated the Tang-Song transformation occurred, also witnessed a political fragmentation that later evolved into the multi-state order of Song times.Thanks to rising power of regional governors (jiedushi 節度使) following An Lushan and the virtual implosion of Tang power in the late ninth century, the empire fragmented into multiple kingdoms in the south and short-lived dynasties in the north, and allowed the tributary kingdoms to go their own way.With each generation Song historians find new ways in which this medieval transformation, preserved for us in relatively rich detail thanks to the spread of woodblock printing in the ninth century, profoundly recast the social, intellectual, and economic life of the Chinese empire.2 I have quoted Smith, not because the passage conveys some new or different ideas, but rather because it nicely expresses a widely shared attitude among historians of middle period China, an acceptance of the primacy of the Tang to Song transformations in the Chinese economy and society as well as in politics and thought, all stemming in one way or another from the unsettled conditions following the An Lushan 安錄山 (703–757) rebellion in the eighth century.3 This acceptance has not precluded spirited debates over aspects of the Tang-Song transformation, especially relating to issues of social and political change.However, my focus here is on the economic arguments for the Tang-Song transformation, which have been largely unchallenged.